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Watching Democracy in Ghana

Thursday, June 18, 2009


Three competing notions of democracy come to mind as I read and re-read Watching Democracy in Ghana, the compilation of Democracy Watch, which will be launched on Thursday, February 26, 2009. Democracy Watch is the flagship publication of the Ghana Center for Democratic Development, CDD, an independent, non-profit, non- partisan research think tank based in Accra.

The founder of the defunct Soviet State Vladimir Lenin described democracy as a “state, which recognizes the subjecting of the minority to the will of the majority.” One time US presidential candidate, Eugene McCarthy had this to say: “As long as the differences and diversities of mankind exist, democracy must allow for compromise, for accommodation, and for the recognition of differences”. In between these two, we have a position presented by the late US novelist and journalist Norman Mailer: “A modern democracy is a tyranny whose borders are undefined; one discovers how far one can go only by traveling in a straight line until one is stopped.”

What has been Ghana’s preferred path to democracy since the re-introduction of democracy in 1993? The idea of reintroduction rather than a simple “introduction” is both a teaser and an announcement: The development of democracy in this country goes back a long way and many of the characteristics of the current run of democratic governance have their roots in earlier experiments. Although Watching Democracy is a compilation which covers only 1999 to 2007, there is little doubt that serious archival trawl would reveal that the more we change the more we remain the same.

Watching Democracy in Ghana confronts one with recent history, not in the sense of a luxurious reverie but in an uncomfortable rehashing of events that are still with us. The discomfort comes from the brutal realization that we may have changed and moved forward but we have not learned the lesions offered by our history.

Therein lies the first of many virtues of the publication – that of being an archive or living witness to this country’s recent history. There are not many such footprints about in the sands of our development. Basically, Ghana's political processes are not documented in such a coherent and consistent manner, and contrast with Nigeria where most leaders write or ghost-write their memoirs.

For example, Democracy Watch (Number 4) of December 2000 dealt with the “retirement benefit for our new leaders”. This should ring a bell because it tells us that despite the media hoopla about this subject, ex gratia is not a new topic of discussion.

After going through the details of the package recommended by the Greenstreet Committee (for which you can close your eyes and substitute “Chinery Hesse Committee”, Democracy Watch had this to say: “ Considering the whopping sums involved in the retirement package of such an army of former state officials and the implications for the national budget, it would have been better to subject the recommendations of the committee to the fullest public scrutiny and comprehensive debate”. You can say that again!

“Public scrutiny and comprehensive debate” must bring us to the second virtue of the publication: defining the public sphere. In Ghana, there is an unfortunate tendency to restrict the public definition of politics to the narrow band of activities that are carried out by political parties, and this sometimes ridiculously excludes policy intervention by other stakeholders. In its broad sweep of watching democracy, the CDD publication has staked a large territory of stake-holding that includes policy, advocacy and reporting various interfaces of democracy.”

These categories neatly sum up what constitutes the verifiable sphere of public discourse in the development of democracy in Ghana, and could serve as a guide for tracking policy formulation and implementation across the wide swathe by media, NGO and community groups, etc. This would provide a framework for broadening the democracy agenda and debate beyond the narrowly defined parameters.

If Watching Democracy has no other virtue, its sheer readability and therefore enhanced access to issues alone would make it worth twice the cover price. Here is a publication published by a credible think tank which could be pardoned for using the arcane language of academia, which is so loved by policy wonks to confound the masses. But the writers of the Democracy Watch have achieved the aims of communication beyond doubt. You know what they are saying.

This is no mean feat because bad writing on policy issues has had the effect of driving people from reading anything that appears challenging or simply discusses policy. Our newspapers carry many feature articles including those written by the newspaper's own staff writers. In the main, however, you would be a national hero to be able to read many of them from start to finish because of bad writing.

Democracy Watch is not like that. Almost every issue deploys the technique of going from the known to the unknown thus starting from bases of which most readers would be familiar. For example, Democracy Watch Number 3, August 2000 dealt with indignities visited upon junior workers by their superiors but started with the case of a Malaysian national who was deported after spitting at his Ghanaian driver. Nine years after the event I still found it interesting because it used the human interest as a peg on which to hang a major human rights discussion.

Space will not allow me to provide other examples but the book is like that: Reader-friendly, accessible, informative and lively. It is a must-read for all kinds of people but perhaps the President of the Republic should read it and make it compulsory for his Cabinet and all other state functionaries, Members of Parliament, DCEs, assembly members, security services personnel, teachers and all kinds of traders. All these people feature in one way or the other in the book. But above all, journalist must make it an inspirational companion both for the management of facts in a story and the writing style.

There is a lot to learn from it because this book is a kind of pathfinder. If we were unsure which path we were traveling on towards our proclaimed goal of democracy, we now have a guide – Watching Democracy in Ghana written and published in black and white. I don’t want to give the game away, but this book has shown me that the trajectory is not a straight line: there are many zigs and zags but are on course.

Source: Daily Graphic,

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Afrobarometer Global Report on Democracy Released


The Afrobarometer Secretariat has released its Round 4 Global report at a ceremony in Accra. Overall, across 19 countries surveyed in 2008, support for democracy stands at 70 percent, but there is wide variability, from 39 percent in Madagascar, to 85 percent in Botswana.

On average, 75 percent reject military rule, 73 percent reject a one-party system, and 79 percent reject strongman rule. However, only 57 percent of respondents reject all three alternatives to democracy, and fewer than half (45 percent) fully demand democracy by both rejecting the three alternatives and explicitly supporting democracy.

Across the 11 countries that we can track over at least four surveys since 1999, there is a consistent pattern in demand for democracy and its component parts. Demand for democracy started at 44 percent in the first set of surveys, then dropped to 36 and 37 percent in the next two series. It has gained 10 points since 2005, up to a high of 47 percent for these 11 countries in 2008, but it still remains a minority position.

The Afrobarometer publications report the results of national sample surveys on the attitudes
of citizens in selected African countries towards democracy, markets, civil society, and other aspects of
development. The Afrobarometer is a collaborative enterprise of the Centre for Democratic Development
(CDD, Ghana), the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), and the Institute for Empirical
Research in Political Economy (IREEP) with support from Michigan State University (MSU) and the
University of Cape Town, Center of Social Science Research (UCT/CSSR). Afrobarometer papers are
simultaneously co-published by these partner institutions and the Globalbarometer.

See www.afrobarometer .org for more

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Gaddafi tells Italy to scrap political parties

Monday, June 15, 2009


By Stephen Brown and Philip Pullella

ROME (Reuters) - Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, addressing Italians in a historic Rome square, embarrassed his hosts on Thursday by saying he would abolish political parties and give Italians direct power if it were up to him.

Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi arrives with Rome's Mayor Gianni Alemanno (2nd L) at the city hall in Rome June 11, 2009. (REUTERS/Chris Helgren)

"There would be no right, left or centre. The party system is the abortion of democracy," Gaddafi said in a sunset address in the famous Campidoglio square designed by Michelangelo atop Capitoline hill.

"I would abolish political parties so as to give power to the people," said the idiosyncratic Gaddafi, while some members of the crowd held up pictures of the Libyan leader and banners welcoming him.

His angry host, right-wing Rome mayor Gianni Alemanno -- who had praised the Libyan leader an hour earlier -- told reporters Gaddafi's discourse on political parties was "unacceptable" and that "we don't accept lessons on democracy from anyone."

Gaddafi also praised Italy for condemning fascism after the colonial period. Alemanno, standing beside him, was once the youth leader of a neo-fascist party and sparked controversy last year by refusing to label fascism as evil.

Earlier in the day Gaddafi, making his first visit to the former colonial power, faced protests by students over his human rights record and over a bilateral agreement for Italy to send back boatloads of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean.

The students tried to stop him giving a lecture at a Rome university, hurling paint and scuffling with police.

He told the students terrorism was "the residue of colonialism".

"Terrorism is to be condemned and most victims (of terrorism) are innocent and unarmed," Gaddafi said. But the world community had to look at the root causes of terrorism, such as injustice, he added.

The North African nation, once a pariah accused of sponsoring terrorism, has seen a thaw in its relations with the West since Gaddafi promised to give up the quest for weapons of mass destruction. International sanctions were lifted in 2003.

Italy, which last year apologised for Italian atrocities during its 1911-1943 colonial rule, is at the forefront of the diplomatic thaw and now gets a quarter of its oil from Libya, and more recently Libyan capital injections into Italian firms.

But Gaddafi retains a defiant tone, arriving on Wednesday in Rome with a picture pinned to his uniform of Omar al-Mukhtar, a resistance hero hanged by Italian occupiers in 1931.

Italian television on Thursday screened "Lion of the Desert", a 1981 film about al-Mukhtar which was banned in Italy until now.

Gaddafi, who as current chairman of the Africa Union will attend a G8 summit in Italy next month with U.S. President Barack Obama, also criticised the U.S-led war in Iraq during a speech earlier on Thursday to the Italian senate.

"Iraq was a fortress against terrorism, with Saddam Hussein al Qaeda could not get in, but now thanks to the United States it is an open arena and this benefits al Qaeda," he said.

He also compared the U.S. air strike on Tripoli in 1986, in which one of his daughters was killed, to an al Qaeda attack.

"What difference is there between the American attack on our homes in 1986 and bin Laden's terrorist actions?" he asked. "If bin Laden has no state and is an outlaw, America is a state with international rules."

Arguing that the world should have room for "regimes of all kinds" including "revolutionary" Libya, he asked: "What's wrong with North Korea wanting to be communist? Or Afghanistan being in the hands of the mullahs? Is not the Vatican a respectable theocratic state with embassies all over the world?"

Some senators from the opposition centre-left managed to get Gaddafi blocked from speaking in the main chamber, forcing the speech to take place in a nearby annexe.

Gaddafi also complained that the world had not rewarded Libya for giving up its ambition of owning weapons of mass destruction.

"We cannot accept living in the shadow of intercontinental missiles and nuclear weapons, which is why we decided to change route," he told the senators.

"We had hoped Libya would be an example to other countries," Gaddafi said. "But we have not been rewarded by the world".

On Wednesday, his host Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi said Libya agreed to supply more oil to Italy and the head of Libya's sovereign wealth fund said he was eyeing investments in Italian electricity and infrastructure companies and joint ventures with Italy in Libya.

(Additional reporting by Deepa Babington)

Source:Reuters

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Ghana's Oil, Will the People Benefit?

Thursday, June 11, 2009



Much has been said about Ghana's oil and the revenue that is supposed to flow into her coffers by 2010. The politicians and their associates are excited that Ghana will soon be swimming in oil money. But the people are not enthused as they know the history of oil rich countries in Africa. They are also not excited because years of gold, diamond, cocoa, timber and other mineral exports has not brought any benefit to them rather they are still wallowing in chronic poverty with no access to water, healthcare, education, electricity with transport and other infrastructures crumbling. The question is will the people benefit from the oil if they could not benefit from gold and other minerals? Is there any guarantee that the people will benefit from the oil proceeds when it begins to flow in 2010?

For decades billions of dollars have been realised from the sale of gold, diamond, bauxite, cocoa and timber but Ghanaians still wallow in deep poverty without electricity, water, proper housing infrastructure, sanitation. The only people who seem to have benefited from the revenue of these valuable assets are the corrupt politicians, the coup makers, their associates and the multinational corporations and they are the very people who are likely to benefit from the oil. The only 'benefit' the people will have as is the case of gold and diamond, will be paying for the cost of environmental degradation, pollution of soil, rivers, wells and creeks that will render many farmers and fishermen jobless.

Already effort by the government to get Ghanaians to participate in forums to discuss how the proceeds from oil should be used to help the poor has been hijacked by the politicians and the so called elite with the people reduced to mere spectators.

What makes the situation troubling is the fact that Ghana is not the first country in Africa to produce oil or gas. Nigeria, Angola, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Libya and Algeria have been oil producing and exporting nations for decades. The reality is that none of these countries has been able to use the huge oil revenue to better the lives of their peoples with poverty and corruption sitting deep in those countries.

How will Ghana be different from her neighbours is still unclear but her own history of corruption in the mineral, timber and cocoa sectors and the history of her neighbours give an idea as to where she might go. In Nigeria for example 80 million people or even more still live on less than a dollar a day despite the nation receiving over $400 billion from the sale of oil. All that Nigerian leaders could show for the billions they have received are the deep poverty, violence crimes, kidnappings, instability in oil producing areas, massive official corruption seen at all levels of government both federal and state as well as environmental degradation and pollution of rivers, wells, creeks and the soil which has rendered millions of farmers and fishermen jobless. The events in Nigeria in the last 40 years since oil was discovered leave much to be desired. There have been more military rulers in that country than civilians with only one transfer of power from civilian to civilian in her 49 years of independence. The stories of Sani Abacha and that of the evil genius Babangida and how they amassed wealth at the expense of the country still resonate around the globe anytime corruption is mentioned.

The oil producing and exporting countries of Angola, Gabon, Algeria, Libya and Equatorial Guinea are not any better. Millions of people in those countries live in abject poverty and in squalor conditions while the leaders live in opulence with luxury villas, fancy cars and numerous fat bank accounts in France, Switzerland, United States, Britain and their colonies of save haven centres in Caymans Islands, Jersey and the rest.

The opulence among the leadership and the unparallel levels of poverty among the population in those countries, prompted a French judge to investigate how these leaders came to acquire the properties that they and families enjoy. The investigation follows lawsuits by the French branch of anti-corruption group Transparency International and rights lobby Sherpa Association. The presidents’ families and their associates have been accused of using government funds to buy luxury homes in Paris and luxury car models such as Bugatti Veyron, Ferrari and Maserati.

They also hold fat bank accounts in France suspected to be theft proceeds, mainly from oil resources. Mr Bongo of Gabon who died yesterday, “the king of bling”, and Mr Obiang of Equatorial Guinea are believed to have used their countries’ huge oil resources to enrich themselves, their families and friends. Sherpa claims the three leaders are using relatives as nominees to hide valuable real estate and cars in France as well as offshore bank accounts with huge volumes of loot.

President Bongo is suspected to be hiding 39 apartments, 70 bank accounts and nine luxury cars while Mr Denis Sassou-Nguesso of Congo is believed to be concealing 18 apartments and holding 112 bank accounts and several luxury vehicles all bought from money stolen from the oil proceeds. Police investigations in 2007 revealed that Mr Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea has an apartment and eight luxury cars in France. And it is only God knows how much money sits in those accounts. Bongo is reported to have $86 million dollars in one of his numerous US bank accounts and a combined total of his personal assets in France alone is estimated at $125 million. A US Senate investigation in 1997 found the spending habit of these corrupt leaders to be very astonishing. The report established that Mr Bongo and his family spend £55million a year, mainly from oil proceeds.

The Independent Newspaper writes of Angola: “As the threat of starvation sweeps across war-ravaged Angola, its secretive government is coming under pressure to explain how billions of pounds in oil revenues have gone missing. A fresh humanitarian crisis has hit Angola since fighting with UNITA rebels ended. Three million people are on the edge of famine. Angola's President, Eduardo dos Santos, has appealed for international help, pleading that his government is broke. But a swelling chorus of diplomats, campaigners and angry Angolans is asking why he is unable to pay his way out of trouble when his government earns billions of pounds from a burgeoning oil exploration business that will soon rival that of Nigeria as Africa's largest. And while only a tiny amount is spent on helping suffering Angolans, every year a large chunk of the profits – between 20 and 35 per cent – mysteriously disappears. Last year, for example, the International Monetary Fund estimated the oil revenues at £2bn, of which £750m simply vanished. Campaigners such as the UK advocacy group Global Witness call it wholesale state robbery. They say that Angola's vast oil profits are disappearing into the pockets of the Futungo – a secret, powerful élite linked to President Dos Santos – on a scale similar to the excesses of the notorious kleptocrat Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire.” Source: the independent.co.uk

According to the Sunday Times, quoting a police probe report, the Bongos bought a mansion worth 18.8 million euros in Paris in 2007. The 21,528-square-foot home is in Rue de la Baume, near the Elysée Palace, the home of French president Nicolas Sarkozy. A Luxembourg-based company that bought the home is owned by two of Bongo’s children, Omar, 13, and Yacine, 16, and his late wife Edith. The fact that two teenage kids who have not worked before could own company in Luxembourg shows how the Bongos have plundered the resources of the country.

So far there is nothing to show that the 1.4 million Gabonese have benefited from the oil. In fact they have become worse off as the following 2008 Human Rights Report by US State Department shows: “The country's human rights record remained poor. The following human rights problems were reported: limited ability of citizens to change their government; use of excessive force, including torture toward prisoners and detainees; harsh prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; an inefficient judiciary susceptible to government influence; restrictions on the right to privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech, press, association, and movement; harassment of refugees; widespread government corruption; violence and societal discrimination against women, persons with HIV/AIDS, and noncitizen Africans; trafficking in persons, particularly children; and forced labour and child labour.”

The same poor human rights were recorded in the report for Angola, Equatorial Guinea and Nigeria with citizens subjected to torture, killings and inhumane treatment by the security apparatus which remain loyal to the leaders.

The fear of democracy getting a boot in Ghana cannot be treated mildly. This fear is reinforced when Ghana’s own dark history is taken into consideration and then put in context with the rest of the oil producing countries in the continent. Ghana has her own dark history of army intervention, human rights abuse, murder, torture and civilian mistreatment. Like her neighbours in the region there is a probability that the flow of oil money into Ghana may encourage unscrupulous army officers and unelected persons to take over the administration of the nation by force and suppress all dissents as happened during gold and diamond discoveries where army officers seized power overnight, stole as much as they could and mismanaged what remained of their loot with Ghanaians and the economy ultimately paying for their reckless corrupt actions. This is what has sadly happened in Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Angola, Libya and Congo which are all ruled by corrupt dictators with over 150 years of reign between the five of them.

Apart from corruption, there is the added danger that the flow of oil revenue to Ghana will lead to the collapse of other vital sectors of the economy such as agriculture and tourism due to over dependence on oil revenue. Nigeria for example used to be major cocoa and other cash crop producing hub but the discovery of oil has led to the collapse of that vital industry. Such a dependence in Gabon has had very devastating consequences in terms of food prices, jobs, revenue losses with almost all her basic needs imported from abroad notably France. What is more, these countries remain crude oil producers with little diversification, a practice that makes them more vulnerable to the shocks that are associated with the oil market and explains why they continue to remain poor despite years of oil export.

Worst of it all is the role of multinational corporations who exploit the oil in these poor countries that is of a major concern. They also have a history selling arms to destabilise African countries and keep the people fighting while they steal the resources. They have a history of under declaring their profits and non-payment of taxes. They are known to declare only 40% of profits that they make in countries where they operate and then hide the rest in their save haven accounts around the globe.

These corporations acting in their own selfish interest have a history of paying bribes to corrupt leaders to secure concessions. They also have a history of helping the corrupt leaders to steal and hide their loot in foreign banks. In 2003 Elf executives admitted paying Omar Bongo $50 million a year through Swiss banks in order to win concessions. The Elf executives, who were themselves tried for corruption, also admitted paying huge bribes to Cameroon’s Paul Biya and his counterparts in Congo, Angola and Equatorial Guinea. In 2004 Royal Dutch Shell of Netherlands admitted fuelling corruption, poverty and violence in Nigeria and on June 9, 2009 agreed to pay $15.5 million to the family of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni eight for her complicity in their execution during the corrupt Abacha regime. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/08/nigeria-usa.Their secretive and non-transparent dealings with corrupt governments are no secrete. In Angola, Western oil companies such as BP, Shell, ExxonMobil and Chevron stand accused of refusing to reveal their annual payments to the Angolan government a charge similar to those in Nigeria, Gabon, Congo, Algeria and E. Guinea.

What is worrying is that these are the very companies that are lining up to exploit Ghana’s oil and nothing shows that they will operate differently in the country. Such fraud behaviour on the part of the corporations is what awaits Ghana.

Also the lasting environmental damage the corporations will cause Ghana and the ultimate price Ghanaians will pay for the destruction of the ecosystem and the pollution of their soils, wells, lakes, lagoons, rivers as well as the destruction of fish stock as well as the health hazards that will emanate from the pollution that have forced environmentalists to gear up for a long battle. Already the global environmental destruction caused by these corporations is estimated at $1.8 trillion with oil and mining countries in Africa sharing about a third of that. In Nigeria as is in many other places Shell has refused to clean up oil spills that have polluted rivers, lakes, lagoons and soil with the people enduring the health hazards posed by it. Anyone who visits the Niger Delta Region will find it hard to come to terms with the poverty, deprivation, collapsed infrastructures, environmental destruction and the billions of dollars Shell and her counterparts make in that country annually. The only thing that has kept millions of poverty stricken people surviving is a belief in God and a hope of a better life after death.

This has been the history of oil rich countries in Africa and guided by her own history of corruption in the mineral, cocoa and timber sectors there is no doubt that a serious challenge awaits the country as she prepares for oil money. There is no doubt that without strong monitoring and accountability system backed by fiscal prudence, Ghana will join her neighbours in the chorus of poverty, violence, pollution and corruption. Already the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation has been embroiled in corruption and mismanagement allegations with its former head Tsatsu Tsikata been sent to jail on the grounds of corruption and mismanagement.

However, Ghana can avoid the calamities of her neighbours by learning from the Gulf States notably Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia where revenue from oil has changed the once barren and poverty stricken nations into prosperous ones. Even though there is a huge gap between the rulers and the people and corruption, nepotism and tyrants exist, during the last three decades these countries have been able to use revenue from oil to build their infrastructures, develop their industries and diversify their economies by focussing on technology, agriculture, tourism and financial products that is banking with success. More can also be learnt from Norway where sound fiscal management coupled with sound environmental practices has made her an icon in the world of oil production.

Instead of embezzling it or using it for white elephant projects, government of Ghana should use the proceeds to build durable roads, schools, hospitals, irrigation, sanitation, high speed train network linking all parts of the country, provide housing for low income groups and invest heavily in technology and agriculture so as to avoid being over dependence on oil revenue. Again some of the proceeds should be used to invest in viable companies abroad like what Gulf States have done reaping a lot from profits for their investments. In short we should not put all our eggs in one basket.

Ghana should put in place proper laws that will make the exploitation of the oil sustainable, environmentally and eco-friendly. Therefore environmental impact assessment should be conducted for every project linked to the oil operation.

The laws must also seek to ensure that oil money will not line up the pockets of the elite to the detriment of the people and the nation as has happened in other places. Therefore, the utilisation of the proceeds must be transparent and democratic. The best way to do this is to actively involve all stakeholders including the people, the government, opposition parties, NGOs, CBOs, Church and all interest groups. Record must be kept by every institution that receives oil money and the release of those records to anyone with a genuine interest must be made mandatory.

All companies directly or indirectly involved in the drilling, marketing, distribution or export of oil must be made by law to publish what they pay. They must also indicate whether they have paid bribe to officials within or outside the country. Every ministry or department which receives oil money for project must publish in detail how it utilises it.

Government must hire experienced tax experts and fraud detectives to scrutinise activities of multinational corporations who may want to import their shady deals of theft, tax evasion, bribery and false accounting into the country. Government must do this as a necessity even if that means hiring foreign experts.

Therefore, the law must take care of how the oil should be managed; how contracts should be awarded, how the proceeds should be utilised and how the environment should be protected. A fund could be created where all proceeds from the oil could go into with parliament given the sole power to determine and certify how money could be drawn from the fund. Therefore the proceeds should be removed at all cost from the control of the executive branch of government.

The law must propose for stiffer penalties for officials and companies who will misconduct themselves. There should be no leniency for corrupt officials if we are to avoid a repetition of what has happened to our neighbours. Therefore, a financial court should be created to investigate and prosecute entities who may try to enrich themselves overnight and severely punish them.

The media should play its role as the fourth organ of government any law that will hinder their operation should be repealed. More investigative journalists should be employed by the media houses and their capacities build up to reflect the challenges of the upcoming battle. The position of independent democratic and anti-corruption watchdogs such as Serious Fraud Office, Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice should be strengthened and provided with all the resources they need to function effectively.

With this Ghana could be praised again for leading the continent in the right direction as her democratic credential shows. For now we can be cautiously optimistic that Ghana would be different from the rest of the continent.

By Lord Aikins Adusei

*The Author is a political activist, anti-corruption campaigner and a Columnist for American Chronicle. He blogs at www.ghanapundit.blogspot.com

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Aid is not Solution to African problems


Cairo, GNA - An Egyptian academic, Mr. Mohfouz El-Ansari, has appealed to African countries to re-activate their factories and industries and to consume locally produced food to reduce their dependence on imports.


"Developed countries look out for their own interests and do not have the interests of the African continent at heart. Everything possible must be done by Africans to unite as one people and working towards eradicating poverty from the continent," he said.


Dr. Mahmoud Abou El-Eirun, Dean of the African Research Institute at Cairo University, said the problems of Africa needed African solutions and not prescriptions by developed countries.

"Let us assemble our own educated people and seek internal solutions to our problems instead of running around looking for foreign solutions which do not work in the African environment" he said.


He said the success of the African Union (AU) depended on the citizenry who should demand accountability from their leaders and where possible change them without fear or favour.

"We cannot allow a few individuals to manipulate the constitution of their respective countries just to perpetuate their tenure and all such leaders must be rejected by their people and condemned by the various economic blocks and leadership of other African countries."


He said the existence of boundaries as well as different languages are major challenges to the AU concept but the leadership of the union are working closely with the eight regional bodies to find solutions to these challenges.

Source:GNA

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Lawsuit on Africa leaders 'valid'


(From left) Equatorial Guinea's President Teodoro Obiang, Congo's President Denis Sassou-Nguesso and Gabon's President Omar Bongo
The case could strain French ties with the three African oil-producing nations

A French magistrate has ruled that a lawsuit against three African leaders accused of embezzlement is admissible.

Presidents Omar Bongo of Gabon, Denis Sassou-Nguesso of Republic of Congo and Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea deny any wrongdoing.

The French arm of anti-corruption group Transparency International has accused them of buying luxury homes and cars in France with African public funds.

The judge's ruling opens the way for a judicial investigation into the case.

Correspondents say the case could strain French relations with the three oil-producing countries.

Gabon and Republic of Congo are former French colonies, while Equatorial Guinea is a growing oil exporter.

The Paris prosecutors' office, which answers to the justice ministry, opposed the opening of the case on 20 April.

It has five days to appeal against Magistrate Francoise Desset's decision, AFP news agency reports.

A 2007 French police investigation found the leaders of the three countries and their relatives owned homes in upmarket areas of Paris and on the Riviera along with luxury cars, including Bugattis, Ferraris and Maseratis.

Mr Bongo came to power in Gabon in 1967 and is Africa's longest-serving ruler.

Mr Obiang has faced coup attempts since he seized power in oil-rich Equatorial Guinea in a coup three decades ago.

Mr Sassou-Nguesso took power in Republic of Congo for a second time in 1997 with help from Angolan troops.

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Gabon teacher not mourning Bongo



The late Gabonese President Omar Bongo

A Gabonese teacher has told the BBC why she is not mourning veteran leader Omar Bongo, who has died after 42 years in power. Wamie, who lives in the coastal town of Gamba, south of Libreville, told the Network Africa programme the country must change and cannot belong to just one family.

What really bothered me at first was the reaction of the government: They didn't really tell us the truth.

They kept hiding it. That's not fair for us because we should know.

I'm glad to be honest with you. I know that you don't really rejoice from someone's death.

But it's a kind of joy because after 40 years, I'm 42 now, I think that we must have been waiting for that for a long time; we've been waiting to see another face.

Insult to intelligence

It's mad because people say that he has been a good president. I know that if you've been a good president, you can stay there for five, at least 10 years.

You don't stay there for 42 years, just because you're a good person.

When people say that he should have stayed there for even longer it's an insult to Gabonese intelligence. Any Gabonese can rule the country even better or worse.

When you're a Gabonese person you don't feel that the country's rich because all the wealth, all the oil has been retained by maybe 2% of the population; so I don't think that's fair and I think that should change.

It's about time the country moved on; it's about time things changed here; the country cannot belong to just one family.

Everyone's talking about [elections]; everyone's ready for that. I only hope we can vote freely

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