Low turnout in tense Guinea Bissau election by Malick Rokhy Ba
The candidate for the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), Malam Bacai Sanha (above) speaks outside a polling station in Bissau. Guinea Bissau's presidential election, after the assassination of the incumbent and other killings, was marked by one of the lowest turnouts ever, officials said as the slow count got underway.
Guinea Bissau's presidential election, after the assassination of the incumbent and other killings, was marked by one of the lowest turnouts ever, officials said Monday as the slow count got under way.
First provisional results would take four or five days and the official results up to a week, National Electoral Commission (CNE) spokesman Orlando Mendes told AFP.
Eleven candidates, including three former presidents, ran to replace assassinated leader Joao Bernardo Vieira in the coup-prone former Portuguese colony of 1.3 million people.
No incidents were reported but the atmosphere was tense as the election came less than four months after members of the army gunned down Vieira.
Vieira, who ruled Guinea-Bissau for much of the past quarter century, was killed by soldiers in apparent revenge for the death of army chief, General Batista Tagme Na Waie, in a bomb attack.
On June 5, former territorial administration minister, Baciro Dabo, a candidate in the election, and former defence minister Helder Proenca, were killed by soldiers amid allegations that they were plotting a coup.
The CNE spokesman said Sunday's turnout was "very weak" compared to recent legislative elections when up to 82 percent of the 600,000 eligible voters took part. Another source close to the CNE said the abstention rate could have been up to 40 percent, the highest of the past decade.
"It has got nothing to do with the rain, but more the recent events," the CNE spokesman said, referring to the killings.
The three leading contenders in the contest are all former heads of state.
Malam Bacai Sanha served as interim president from June 1999 to May 2000 and was candidate for the long-dominant African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), which already controls 67 of the 100 seats in the national assembly.
Also running was Kumba Yala, whose time in office between 2000 and 2003 was marked by wide fiscal mismanagement and sweeping arrests of opposition figures until he was brought down in a coup.
Another former head of state, running as an independent, is Henrique Rosa (2003-2005).
If no candidate wins an overall majority in the first round, the election will go to a run-off between the two highest-placed contenders on July 28.
Whoever wins will have to contend with grinding poverty -- Guinea-Bissau was ranked 175 out of 177 countries in the 2007-2008 UN Development Programme human index report -- and with the corrupting influence of drugs trafficking.
It is a transit point in the cocaine trade to Europe from Latin America, according to the United Nations.
Raimundo Pereira, the caretaker president, described the poll as "an important step towards stability" in the country which became independent from Portugal in 1974.
Interim government agrees to July 18 election date
Mauritania's transitional government, headed by General Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz since a military coup in August 2008, agreed to an internationally-brokered pact scheduling presidential elections for July 19
AFP- Mauritania's transitional government on Sunday endorsed the internationally-brokered pact to overcome the west African country's political crisis and set the presidential election for July 18.
Mauritania Interim gov't formed ahead of July 18 vote

Mauritania has appointed a transitional government ahead of next month's presidential elections after ousted president Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi (pictured) officially resigned on Friday.
US supplying weapons to Somali government

Following urgent appeals from Somalia’s embattled government, the US is giving the UN-backed government weapons to fight Islamist fighters, according to a US official.
Somali Lawmakers flee abroad amid escalating violence

As clashes between Islamist militants and Somali security forces worsened this month, dozens of Somali lawmakers have fled abroad, leaving parliament effectively paralysed.
Reuters - Scores of Somali legislators have fled violence at home to the safety of other countries in Africa, Europe and the United States, leaving the nation's parliament without a quorum to meet.
Violence from an Islamist-led insurgency has worsened this month, with a minister, the Mogadishu police chief, and a legislator all killed. The government, which controls little but a few parts of the capital, has declared a state of emergency.
With reports of foreign jihadists streaming into Somalia, Western security services are frightened Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network may get a grip on the failed Horn of Africa state that has been without central government for 18 years.
Needing two-thirds of legislators present to meet, Somalia's 550-seat parliament has not convened since April 25. Officials said on Wednesday that 288 members of parliament (MPs) were abroad, with only about 50 on official visits.
The rest were in neighbours Kenya and Djibouti, European nations such as Sweden, Britain, the Netherlands and Norway, and the United States, the officials said.
"I cannot be a member of a government that cannot protect me," Abdalla Haji Ali, an MP who left for Kenya last week, told Reuters. "In Somalia, nobody is safe."
Parliament speaker Sheikh Aden Mohamed Madobe has urged the MPs to return, and Somalia's Finance Ministry has blocked the salaries of 144 legislators abroad, officials said.
In Nairobi on Wednesday, plenty of Somali MPs could be seen sipping tea and talking politics in various hotels and cafes.
"As legislators, we have responsibility and every one of us should perform his duty in Mogadishu," one legislator who has stayed in Mogadishu, Sheikh Ahmed Moalim, told Reuters.
"Before you decide to flee, you have to resign officially if you realise that you cannot work in this environment."
"GOVERNMENT FIDDLES, SOMALIA BURNS"
Islamist rebel leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys held a news conference in Mogadishu to denounce the government's call at the weekend for foreign forces to come to its aid.
The African Union has a 4,300-strong force guarding government and other installations in Mogadishu, but has been unable to stem violence and has been targeted by the rebels.
"The fighting will stop when the foreign enemy forces leave the country and Somalis come together for talks," Aweys added. "Nothing remains of the puppet Somali government."
The United Nations and Western powers back President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed's government, but are increasingly frustrated over how to help him stabilise Somalia.
Ahmed, himself a moderate Islamists, was elected by parliament at a U.N.-sponsored process in Djibouti in January.
"The situation has gone from bad to worse to worst, presenting the entire Horn of Africa with a security crisis of the first order," U.S. analyst Peter Pham said in a paper.
"If the TFG (government) is 'fiddling' while Somalia burns, it is doing so with a full orchestral accompaniment provided by an international community that apparently lacks either the will or the imagination (or both) to do anything else."
Gus Selassie, an analyst for IHS Global Insight think-tank, was equally pessimistic.
"There appears to be an extreme reluctance on the part of the international community, including neighbouring countries and friendly governments such as Ethiopia, to heed the TFG's desperate calls," he wrote in another analysis.
Somali President declares state of emergency in wake of 'intensifying violence'

President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed has declared a state of emergency in Somalia in response to "intensifying violence" from an Islamist insurgency seeking to topple the government. The move could pave the way for foreign military intervention.
Somalia's president, clinging to power by his fingernails in his Mogadishu palace, on Monday declared a state of emergency in a bid to contain a deadly six-week-old insurgent offensive.
EMERGENCY - SOMALIA - UNREST
Niger Democracy in jeorpady as President Takes emergency powers
President Tandja takes emergency powers after failed bid for third term

AFP - Niger's President Mamadou Tandja Friday said he was assuming emergency powers after a failed bid to prolong his stay in office by changing the constitution to allow him to run for a third term.
The 71-year-old leader said in a television address that he was invoking "article 58 of the constitution" giving him special powers "because the independence of the country is threatened." Tandja had already run into opposition from the Constitutional Court in his attempt to hold a referendum on changing the constitution to enable him to run for a third five-year elected term in office after his mandate expires in December. Tandja, 71, first announced his referendum proposal in early May, but the opposition, the trade unions and non-governmental organisations all turned to the Constitutional Court, which on June 12 annulled the president's plan. The court's decisions are binding on the head of state, whose bid to stage the referendum has also led to street protests and strikes. Nevertheless, on Wednesday evening Tandja submitted a request to the court, asking it to retract its ruling on the grounds that it had gone beyond its competence.
NIGER - POLITICS
We are Tired of the Dictatorship and Corruption
Sunday, June 21, 2009
Democracy the Only Viable path to Africa security and Development
Read more...
Watching Democracy in Ghana
Thursday, June 18, 2009
Three competing notions of democracy come to mind as I read and re-read Watching Democracy in Ghana, the compilation of Democracy Watch, which will be launched on Thursday, February 26, 2009. Democracy Watch is the flagship publication of the Ghana Center for Democratic Development, CDD, an independent, non-profit, non- partisan research think tank based in Accra. The founder of the defunct Soviet State Vladimir Lenin described democracy as a “state, which recognizes the subjecting of the minority to the will of the majority.” One time US presidential candidate, Eugene McCarthy had this to say: “As long as the differences and diversities of mankind exist, democracy must allow for compromise, for accommodation, and for the recognition of differences”. In between these two, we have a position presented by the late US novelist and journalist Norman Mailer: “A modern democracy is a tyranny whose borders are undefined; one discovers how far one can go only by traveling in a straight line until one is stopped.” What has been Ghana’s preferred path to democracy since the re-introduction of democracy in 1993? The idea of reintroduction rather than a simple “introduction” is both a teaser and an announcement: The development of democracy in this country goes back a long way and many of the characteristics of the current run of democratic governance have their roots in earlier experiments. Although Watching Democracy is a compilation which covers only 1999 to 2007, there is little doubt that serious archival trawl would reveal that the more we change the more we remain the same. Watching Democracy in Ghana confronts one with recent history, not in the sense of a luxurious reverie but in an uncomfortable rehashing of events that are still with us. The discomfort comes from the brutal realization that we may have changed and moved forward but we have not learned the lesions offered by our history. Therein lies the first of many virtues of the publication – that of being an archive or living witness to this country’s recent history. There are not many such footprints about in the sands of our development. Basically, Ghana's political processes are not documented in such a coherent and consistent manner, and contrast with Nigeria where most leaders write or ghost-write their memoirs. For example, Democracy Watch (Number 4) of December 2000 dealt with the “retirement benefit for our new leaders”. This should ring a bell because it tells us that despite the media hoopla about this subject, ex gratia is not a new topic of discussion. After going through the details of the package recommended by the Greenstreet Committee (for which you can close your eyes and substitute “Chinery Hesse Committee”, Democracy Watch had this to say: “ Considering the whopping sums involved in the retirement package of such an army of former state officials and the implications for the national budget, it would have been better to subject the recommendations of the committee to the fullest public scrutiny and comprehensive debate”. You can say that again! “Public scrutiny and comprehensive debate” must bring us to the second virtue of the publication: defining the public sphere. In Ghana, there is an unfortunate tendency to restrict the public definition of politics to the narrow band of activities that are carried out by political parties, and this sometimes ridiculously excludes policy intervention by other stakeholders. In its broad sweep of watching democracy, the CDD publication has staked a large territory of stake-holding that includes policy, advocacy and reporting various interfaces of democracy.” These categories neatly sum up what constitutes the verifiable sphere of public discourse in the development of democracy in Ghana, and could serve as a guide for tracking policy formulation and implementation across the wide swathe by media, NGO and community groups, etc. This would provide a framework for broadening the democracy agenda and debate beyond the narrowly defined parameters. If Watching Democracy has no other virtue, its sheer readability and therefore enhanced access to issues alone would make it worth twice the cover price. Here is a publication published by a credible think tank which could be pardoned for using the arcane language of academia, which is so loved by policy wonks to confound the masses. But the writers of the Democracy Watch have achieved the aims of communication beyond doubt. You know what they are saying. This is no mean feat because bad writing on policy issues has had the effect of driving people from reading anything that appears challenging or simply discusses policy. Our newspapers carry many feature articles including those written by the newspaper's own staff writers. In the main, however, you would be a national hero to be able to read many of them from start to finish because of bad writing. Democracy Watch is not like that. Almost every issue deploys the technique of going from the known to the unknown thus starting from bases of which most readers would be familiar. For example, Democracy Watch Number 3, August 2000 dealt with indignities visited upon junior workers by their superiors but started with the case of a Malaysian national who was deported after spitting at his Ghanaian driver. Nine years after the event I still found it interesting because it used the human interest as a peg on which to hang a major human rights discussion. Space will not allow me to provide other examples but the book is like that: Reader-friendly, accessible, informative and lively. It is a must-read for all kinds of people but perhaps the President of the Republic should read it and make it compulsory for his Cabinet and all other state functionaries, Members of Parliament, DCEs, assembly members, security services personnel, teachers and all kinds of traders. All these people feature in one way or the other in the book. But above all, journalist must make it an inspirational companion both for the management of facts in a story and the writing style. There is a lot to learn from it because this book is a kind of pathfinder. If we were unsure which path we were traveling on towards our proclaimed goal of democracy, we now have a guide – Watching Democracy in Ghana written and published in black and white. I don’t want to give the game away, but this book has shown me that the trajectory is not a straight line: there are many zigs and zags but are on course. Source: Daily Graphic, |